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Trust in public institutions

 The press release was prepared by Anton Hrushetskyi,executive director of KIIS

 

From November 26 to December 29, 2025, the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology (KIIS) conducted its own all-Ukrainian public opinion survey "Omnibus", to which, on its own initiative, added a question about trust in public institutions. By the method of telephone interviews (computer-assistedtelephoneinterviews, CATI) based on a random sample of mobile phone numbers (with random generation of phone numbers and subsequent statistical weighting) in all regions of Ukraine (the territory controlled by the Government of Ukraine), 1,001 respondents were surveyed. The survey was conducted with adult (aged 18 and older) citizens of Ukraine who, at the time of the survey, lived in the territory of Ukraine controlled by the Government of Ukraine. The sample did not include residents of territories temporarily not controlled by the Ukrainian authorities (at the same time, some of the respondents are IDPs who moved from the occupied territories), and the survey was not conducted with citizens who left abroad after February 24, 2022.

Formally, under normal circumstances, the statistical error of such a sample (with a probability of 0.95 and taking into account the design effect of 1.3) did not exceed 4.1% for indicators close to 50%, 3.5% for indicators close to 25%, 2.5% for indicators close to 10%, 1.8% for indicators close to 5%.

Under conditions of war, in addition to the specified formal error, a certain systematic deviation is added. Factors that may affect the quality of results in "wartime" conditions were previously cited by KIIS.

In general, we believe that the obtained results are still highly representative and allow a fairly reliable analysis of the public moods of the population.

 


 

Dynamics of trust in individual institutions in 2021-2024

 

One of the most important, marker indicators of the state of society and public opinion is the level of trust in individual institutions. Previously, we published the results of a survey on trust in V. Zelenskyy[1], and in this publication we want to show trust in other institutions as well. At the same time, in this publication the results on trust in the President (and, in particular, in the dynamics compared to December 2024) are calculated according to other questions. So, in our previous publication (mentioned earlier) we asked about trust in V. Zelenskyy and did not offer “hard to say” among the answer options (although if the respondent himself insisted, this answer was noted).

This publication presents the results of trust in institutions based on a question that we have been asking for many years at the end of the year. For example, KIIS asks the question “Now I will name some more social institutions. Please tell me how much you trust those I will name – do you completely trust, rather trust, hard to say for sure whether you trust or not, rather do not trust  or completely do not trust?” That is, the respondent immediately heard and knew that he could choose the option “hard to say” among the possible options. And we asked about trust in the President of Ukraine (and not “V. Zelenskyy”).

Graph 1 shows the dynamics of trust in state authorities: the President, the Verkhovna Rada, the Government. Graph 2 shows trust in law enforcement and security institutions: the Armed Forces of Ukraine, the Security Service of Ukraine, the National Police, the National Anti-Corruption Bureau, prosecutors and courts. Finally, graph 3 shows trust in civil society institutions: the Church, Ukrainian media and volunteers. In each graph, we compare the current results with the results at the end of 2024 to assess the dynamics over the past year (except for NABU, since we asked about NABU for the first time). At the same time, the results in dynamics for 2021-2025 can be found in the Appendix. The Appendix also provides data on trust in institutions in the regional dimension.

So, if in December 2024, according to this wording of the question, 45% trusted the President, then in December 2025 – 57%. At the same time, the indicator of distrust has almost not changed – 31% in 2024 and 33% in 2025. The balance of trust-distrust over the year increased from +10% to +24%. The growth in trust occurred due to a decrease in the share of those who had an undecided attitude - from 24% to 10%. Our previous publication showed that during 2025 there was a significant dynamics in trust in the President. Most likely, the decrease in the share of those who had an undecided attitude and the predominant transition to trust is associated with the effect of rallying around the flag. That is, in the conditions of the challenges of 2025, many Ukrainians who had an undecided attitude began to say that they trust the President in order to demonstrate unity in defending the interests of Ukraine.

However, as before, most Ukrainians do not trust other government bodies – the Parliament and the Government – and no significant changes have occurred over the year. In the case of the Verkhovna Rada, 12% trust it and 70% do not trust it (in December 2024 – 13% and 68%). The balance of trust-distrust is -58% (in December 2024 - -55%). At the same time, more than half of Ukrainians can name at least one faction whose activities they approve of, i.e. high distrust of the parliament does not mean distrust of all parliamentarians[2].

Trust in the Government is slightly higher, but also low: now 23% trust it (in December 2024 – 20%), 56% do not trust it (in December 2024 – 53%). The balance of trust has not changed over the past year and is the same -33%. However, in the context of trust in the parliament and the Government, we note that despite the low trust, the majority of Ukrainians are against holding elections now .

                                                                

Graph 1. Trust in government bodies

 


n the case of the Defense Forces of Ukraine, support remains consistently very high – 94% trust and only 2% do not trust (a year ago the indicators were 92% and 2%, respectively). Trust-distrust balance – +92%.

Another important security institution – the SBU – also maintains a fairly high level of trust (despite a slight decrease compared to last year). Thus, 51% of Ukrainians trust the SBU, 26% do not trust it (in December 2024 the indicators were 54% to 21%). The balance of trust-distrust is +25% (last year it was +33%).

Trust in the National Police has decreased somewhat. So, 35% trust the police, 46% do not trust them. In December 2024, 37% trusted and 38% did not trust them. Accordingly, the balance of trust-distrust decreased from -1% to -11%.

This year, for the first time, we added NABU to this question and we observe quite high trust – 50% versus 31% who do not trust it. Therefore, the balance of trust-distrust is positive and amounts to +19%.

At the same timeTrust in courts and prosecutors remains critically low. Only 15% of Ukrainians trust the courts and only 12% trust prosecutors. 62% and 64% do not trust them, respectively. Compared to last year, the situation has not changed significantly.

 

Graph 2. Trust in law enforcement agencies

 


And finally, trust in institutions among civil society. Trust in volunteers remains high in Ukraine – 79% trust them and only 7% do not trust (in December 2024 the indicators were 81% and 5% respectively).

Trust in Ukrainian media remains quite low, although the situation has improved slightly over the past year. So, now 34% trust Ukrainian media, 42% do not trust (the remaining 25% have an undecided attitude). In December 2024, 27% trusted them, 42% did not trust. Therefore, if last year the balance of trust-distrust was -15%, now it is -8%. However, as can be seen, the level of distrust has remained at the same level, and trust has increased due to a decrease in the share of those who had an undecided attitude.

The Church used to be the leading institution in terms of trust, but in recent years it has significantly lost trust. Over the past year, the situation with trust in the Church has improved slightly - now 44% trust the Church and 28% do not trust. In 2024, the ratio was 40% to 26%.

             

Graph 3. Trust in civil society institutions

 

 


 

A. Hrushetskyi, comments on the survey results:

 

In Ukrainian society, a consensus has persisted for a long time, which, on the one hand, implies criticism of the authorities. We see that the majority of Ukrainians are consistently dissatisfied with the actions of both the Verkhovna Rada and the Government. At the same time, on the other hand, this consensus also implies that there is currently no possibility of renewing power through elections. In the same survey, only 10% of respondents insisted on elections in the near future, even before the end of hostilities (and a significant part of these respondents view elections not from a patriotic perspective of strengthening the country, but as a way to end the war through Ukraine's surrender).

That is, Ukrainians may be dissatisfied with their government (and often, if not in most cases, quite rightly so), but they are aware of the risks and dangers that hastily organized elections entail. For Ukrainians, the priority is obvious - ensuring acceptable conditions for peace, and then solving other important problems (including the renewal of government).

Trust in institutions also demonstrates an important, consistent trend – very high trust in the Defense Forces and volunteers. Accordingly, many Ukrainians want to see military personnel and volunteers among the country's new generation of leaders. And this, in turn, creates another problem for holding "quick" elections: both military personnel and volunteers - as responsible people who make efforts for the country's defense capability - will not be able to participate in the elections now. Their non-participation in the elections will undermine the legitimacy of the result in the eyes of the Ukrainian public. Therefore, many Ukrainians support postponing the elections, so that they are both properly organized and so that all worthy candidates can really take part in them.

             


           

Appendix 1. Formulation of questions from the questionnaire

 

FORMULATION OF THE QUESTION:

 

Now I will name some more social institutions. Please tell me how much you trust the ones I will name – do you trust completely, rather trust, hard to say for sure whether you trust or not, rather do not trust or completely do not trust?

RANDOMIZATION OF READING ORDER Completely trust Rather trust Hard to say Rather do not trust Completely do not trust
SUBSAMPLE ¹1: To the President of UkraineSUBSAMPLE ¹2: To the SupremeCommander-in-Chief, the President of Ukraine 1 2 3 4 5
To the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine 1 2 3 4 5
To the Government of Ukraine 1 2 3 4 5
To the Armed Forces of Ukraine 1 2 3 4 5
To the Security Service of Ukraine 1 2 3 4 5
To the National Police 1 2 3 4 5
To the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine - NABU 1 2 3 4 5
To the Courts 1 2 3 4 5
To the Prosecutors 1 2 3 4 5
To the Volunteers 1 2 3 4 5
To the Ukrainian Media 1 2 3 4 5
To the Church 1 2 3 4 5

 

DYNAMICS OF TRUST IN 2021-2025:

% in the column Dec.21 Dec.22 Dec.23 Dec.24 Dec.25
President          
Trust 27 84 62 45 57
Hard to say 22 11 20 24 10
Do not trust 50 5 18 31 33
Verkhovna Rada          
Trust 11 35 15 13 12
Hard to say 22 31 24 20 18
Do not trust 67 34 61 68 70
Government          
Trust 14 52 26 20 23
Hard to say 26 29 30 27 21
Do not trust 60 19 44 53 56
Armed Forces of Ukraine          
Trust 72 96 96 92 94
Hard to say 16 3 3 6 4
Do not trust 12 1 1 2 2
SBU          
Trust 29 63 58 54 51
Hard to say 32 28 26 26 23
Do not trust 36 9 16 21 26
National Police          
Trust 30 58 41 37 35
Hard to say 25 28 30 25 19
Do not trust 44 14 29 38 46
NABU          
Trust --- --- --- --- 50
Hard to say --- --- --- --- 19
Do not trust --- --- --- --- 31
Courts          
Trust --- 25 12 12 15
Hard to say --- 41 26 25 23
Do not trust --- 34 61 63 62
Prosecutors          
Trust --- 21 9 9 12
Hard to say --- 47 27 24 24
Do not trust --- 32 64 67 64
Volunteers          
Trust 68 84 84 81 79
Hard to say 19 12 14 14 15
Do not trust 11 4 3 5 7
Ukrainian media          
Trust 32 57 29 27 34
Hard to say 28 29 31 32 25
Do not trust 39 14 40 42 42
Church          
Trust 51 44 38 40 44
Hard to say 21 34 30 34 28
Do not trust 24 22 31 26 28

 

TRUST IN TERMS OF REGIONS:

% in the column West[3] Center South East
President        
Trust 55 58 57 63
Hard to say 32 34 33 31
Do not trust 13 8 10 7
Verkhovna Rada        
Trust 9 14 12 17
Hard to say 70 71 69 66
Do not trust 21 15 19 17
Government        
Trust 19 22 25 37
Hard to say 58 55 56 51
Do not trust 23 23 19 12
Armed Forces of Ukraine        
Trust 96 94 93 93
Hard to say 0 2 4 0
Do not trust 3 4 3 7
SBU        
Trust 42 54 51 64
Hard to say 29 25 29 15
Do not trust 29 21 20 21
National Police        
Trust 34 37 32 45
Hard to say 44 47 47 43
Do not trust 22 17 20 13
NABU        
Trust 45 57 47 39
Hard to say 34 26 35 33
Do not trust 21 16 17 28
Courts        
Trust 11 17 16 18
Hard to say 64 63 64 47
Do not trust 25 20 20 35
Prosecutors        
Trust 9 14 12 18
Hard to say 65 67 62 53
Do not trust 26 20 26 28
Volunteers        
Trust 82 79 71 85
Hard to say 1 8 12 2
Do not trust 16 13 17 13
Ukrainian media        
Trust 31 36 33 36
Hard to say 43 40 43 40
Do not trust 26 24 24 24
Church        
Trust 53 39 42 44
Hard to say 20 31 31 33
Do not trust 27 30 27 23

 



[1] Trust in President V. Zelenskyy, attitude towards the conduct of elections, perception of the fight against corruption and the country's movement towards democracy // https://kiis.com.ua/?lang=ukr&cat=reports&id=1575&page=1

[2] Assessment of the activities of factions in parliament // https://kiis.com.ua/?lang=ukr&cat=reports&id=1558

[3] The composition of the macroregions is as follows: Western macroregion - Volyn, Rivne, Lviv, Ivano-Frankivsk, Ternopil, Zakarpattia, Khmelnytskyi, Chernivtsi oblasts; Central macroregion - Vinnytsia, Zhytomyr, Sumy, Chernihiv, Poltava, Kirovohrad, Cherkasy, Kyiv oblasts, Kyiv city, Southern macroregion - Dnipropetrovsk, Zaporizhzhia, Mykolaiv, Kherson, Odesa oblasts, Eastern macroregion - Donetsk, Luhansk and Kharkiv oblasts.


13.1.2026
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